Monday, November 24, 2008



( To be read in continuation of my article of November 3,2008, titled TIBET: 'STATUS QUO PLUS' AS AN OPTION? available at )

How trustworthy is China on Tibet? Do the words, promises and commitments of its leaders have any value? What are the options available to the Tibetan people in dealing with an economic power, which the international community is not prepared to displease because of the perceived dependence on Chinese co-operation for re-stabilising the global economy? Are the Tibetan people condemned to extinction, with neither India nor the West prepared to support their cause for autonomy? What after the Dalai Lama? Will his death also mean the death of the Tibetan cause?

2. These were the questions and concerns that were uppermost in the minds 560 prominent Tibetan personalities from the Tibetan diaspora in India and the rest of the world, who participated in a Special General Meeting convened by His Holiness the Dalai Lama at Dharamsala in Himachal Pradesh " to hold an extensive discussion and debate with regard to the Tibetan cause in the light of recent emergency events in Tibet and the international scenario."

3. His Holiness himself did not attend the meeting, which was held from November 17 to 22,2008.The meeting was held against the background of the ruthless crushing of the uprising in the Tibetan majority areas of China in March and April last by the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) and the failure of the resumed dialogue between the Chinese authorities and the representatives of His Holiness to find a way forward for meeting the aspirations of the Tibetan people. The Chinese had agreed to the resumption of the dialogue earlier stalled by them under international pressure after the uprising. The two meetings held in China by visiting representatives of His Holiness made it apparent that the Chinese were merely buying time in order to prevent a boycott of the Olympics by world leaders.

4. Hopes that after the Olympics, the Chinese leaders would adopt a softer line on the future of Tibet have been belied. There was one meeting before the Olympics and one after the Olympics. The meeting held after the Olympics ( 8th round from October 30 to November 5, 2008) made it painfully clear that the Chinese stance has further hardened. During the seventh round of talks in Beijing on July 1 and 2, 2008, the Vice Chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference and the Minister of the Central United Front Work Department, Mr. Du Qinglin, invited suggestions from His Holiness for the stability and development of Tibet. The Executive Vice Minister of the Central United Front Work Department, Mr. Zhu Weiqun, further said they would like to hear the views of the Dalai Lama's representatives on the degree or form of autonomy they were seeking as well as on all aspects of regional autonomy within the scope of the Constitution of the People's Republic of China (PRC). In response to the Chinese request, the Dalai Lama's team, which, as before, consisted of Lodi Gyaltsen Gyari and Kelsang Gyaltsen submitted to their Chinese interlocutors during the 8th round a Memorandum outlining the position of His Holiness on the autonomy issue. To their surprise, the Chinese contemptuously rejected the Memo and refused to discuss the issue of autonomy. A summary of the Memo as released by the Tibetan delegation is annexed.

5.The hardening of the Chinese stance after the Olympics can be attributed to the following reasons:

Firstly, the manner in which France and other Western countries eased their pressure on the human rights issue after the Chinese people threatened to boycott Western goods made Beijing realise the power of the economic card which it now wields against the West.

Secondly, the economic melt-down in the West and its anxiety to secure Chinese co-operation and assistance for re-stabilising the global economy made it even more unlikely than in the past that the West would extend any concrete support to the Tibetan cause apart from pro forma lip sympathy.

Thirdly, speculation about health problems faced by the Dalai Lama made them feel that it was only a question of time before he disappeared from the scene and that once he is dead they can have a Dalai Lama of their choice nominated and sound the death-knell of the Tibetan cause.

6. The Tibetans have been shocked by the Chinese repudiation of a commiment made by Deng Xiao-ping on March 12,1979, that "apart from independence, all other issues can be discussed." He gave this solemn assurance during a meeting with Kasur Gyalo Thondup, the elder brother of His Holiness. While replying to a Japanese correspondent in Beijing on November 10,2008, Zhu Weiqun asserted that Deng had never made such a statement. He said: “ It is a falsehood made by Gyari and is a complete distortion of Deng Xiaoping’s statement.”

7. Taken aback by this denial which came on the eve of the Special General meeting, Gyalo Thondup addressed the international media, which had assembled at Dharamsala, on November 19,2008, to give his version. To quote him: “I am shocked to hear such a statement from the Chinese officials because it was myself to whom the late paramount leader, Deng Xiaoping, said, “except independence all other issues can be settled through discussions,”.Deng Xiaoping is no longer with us today. But to put the record straight I would like to clarify in front of international media that during my first visit to China in 1979 I met the paramount leader Deng Xiaoping on 12 March 1979. He told me “except independence all other issues can be settled through discussions.”

8. Juchen Thubten Namgyal, who also addressed the press conference, said: "I am totally surprised to learn that Mr Zhu Weiqun recently denied Deng Xiaoping’s statement. As a member of the first Tibetan exploratory mission, we met with Vice-premier Yang Jireng, who was also the head of the Central United Front Work Department and Nationality Affairs Commission and others on 29 April 1982. I sought confirmation from Yang Jireng whether Deng Xiaoping had made such a statement. He did not deny this fact.”

9. According to the advisers of His Holiness,on March 1,1979, Ulanfu, Minister for Nationality Affairs Commission, told Gyalo Thondup: “ The Dalai Lama and the Tibetans in exile are welcome to return to their home and contribute towards the development and progress of the nation. Suitable arrangements could be made for everyone upon their return. The Dalai Lama had not made contacts with the Soviet Union. Therefore, apart from independence, we can solve any problem."

10. The advisers of His Holiness pointed out that a record of statements made by former Chinese leaders and official documents authenticated the statement made by Deng and Ulanfu. In an interview with the Xinhua News agency on May 19,1991, China’s then Premier Li Peng said: “All matters except Tibetan independence could be discussed”. His statement was later emphasised in a newsletter released by the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in Washington DC, regarding the “Questions concerning negotiations between the Central Government of China and the Dalai Lama.”

11. According to the advisers, during a state visit to China from May 18 to 23, 1992, the then Indian President R Venkataraman was told by Premier Li Peng that “ … we are willing to talk to him about anything except the issue of the so-called independence of Tibet.” A White Paper released by the Information office of the State Council of the PRC in September 1992 reiterated that “all matters except Tibetan independence can be discussed”.

12. Gyalo Thondup told the media: "Some hardliner communist officials, who hold high up position in the Chinese Government, treat Tibet as a personal belonging in their pocket and deliberately intend to scuttle the dialogue process to resolve the issue of Tibet.The Tibetan people will continue to demand their legitimate and reasonable rights as given to other minority nationalities entitled in the constitution of the People’s Republic of China.The legitimate rights of Tibetans are rights to freedom, thinking, speech, religion, travel, to promote and preserve Tibet’s culture. We must not lose faith and plead to the Chinese Government for our legitimate rights.As a Tibetan, I'm convinced that we must all live together. Therefore it is very important for the Tibetan people not to lose hope and to keep a good relationship with people in China. We are sandwiched between China and India, both very important countries. I was always critical with the Chinese face to face in Beijing, and now I'm desperate, that's why I told people in the Chinese Embassy in Delhi that there's no choice [but to talk]. We must face the reality that we have to deal with China. The people of China will eventually realize that what we are asking is legitimate.”

13.A commentary on Tibet disseminated by the official Xinhua news agency on November 21,2008, coinciding with the meeting, said: " Its purpose is to set up a 'half independent' or 'covertly independent' political entity controlled by the Dalai clique on one quarter of the Chinese territory.And when conditions are ripe, they will seek to realise 'complete Tibet independence'." Qin Gang, a spokesman of the Chinese Foreign Ministry, was quoted as saying as follows: "Our position on Tibet is clear and resolute. Any attempt to separate Tibet from China is doomed to fail.The so-called Tibetan government-in-exile is not recognised by any government in the world."

14. In the light of the Chinese repudiation of their past commitments and statements, the Special General Meeting discussed whether any useful purpose would be served by continuing with the dialogue with the Chinese and whether the time had not come to call off the dialogue with the Chinese officials, abandon the Middle Path of autonomy so far followed and start a full-fledged struggle for independence. This view is particularly shared by the younger Tibetans belonging to the Tibetan Youth Congress. A question posed by many during the discussions was: When the Chinese are not even prepared to discuss autonomy, what is the point in continuing the dialogue with them?

15. There was unanimity against accepting the status quo. The meeting reiterated its faith in the continuing leadership of His Holiness and decided to continue with the present objective of a Middle Path. It also stressed that the Tibetans would continue to adhere to non-violence. The relevant portions from the final summary of conclusions of the meeting are given below:

(a). "The Central Tibetan Administration is the sole and legitimate representative of the Tibetans in and outside Tibet, which the CTA has inherited from many centuries. This historical experience of the Tibetan people proves the baselessness of the recent rhetoric and propaganda of the Chinese Government, which says that His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Central Tibetan Administration have no right to represent Tibet and the Tibetan people. The Tibetans in and outside Tibet strongly oppose such remarks."

(b)."Based on the suggestions received to this Special General Meeting from in and outside Tibet and after frank and candid discussions held by the delegates in regard to the future policy of Tibet, it came to an unanimous decision to straightly follow the guidance of His Holiness the Dalai Lama based on the prevailing situation from time to time. Majority decision was to continue the policy of Middle-Way-Approach. Besides that, looking at the Chinese Government's behavior in the past, views to stop sending envoys and to pursue complete independence or self-determination if no result comes out in the near future, were also strongly expressed."

(c)."The Middle-Way-Approach, independence or self-determination, whatever is pursued in the Tibetan struggle, we shall not deviate from the path of non-violence to achieve our aims."

(d)."His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Central Tibetan Administration in an effort to resolve the Sino-Tibetan problem, by adopting the Middle-Way-Approach, a memorandum on genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people, within the framework of the constitution of the PRC, was recently presented to the Chinese Government. Leave alone giving positive response, the PRC Government rejected every single clause of the memorandum and accused the CTA of seeking independence, semi-independence or independence in disguised form. Therefore, the dialogue process did not produce any substantive result to the Sino-Tibetan problem and the whole responsibility of this failure is solely with the PRC government."

(e). "Because the PRC had alleged that they have evidence to prove that the recent unrest in Tibet had been 'triggered, instigated, planned and orchestrated' by the 'Dalai clique', His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Central Tibetan Administration insisted that an international investigating body be allowed to travel to Tibet to verify the PRC's claims. And that delegates from China can also visit Dharamsala to investigate and validate their allegation. However, the PRC did not have the gumption to accept both these suggestions. Moreover, the PRC could not even bring forth one single evidence in support of their claims before the world audience. This has clearly pointed to the fact that demonstrations and protests in Tibet since March this year are because of the repressive policies adopted by the PRC towards Tibet and Tibetans since its occupation. Therefore, the PRC government should accept responsibilities for their mistakes."

(f)."This is to reiterate, through this Special General Meeting, that the cause of the Tibetan struggle is a struggle for the rights of Tibetans. It is a struggle against the wrong policies of the PRC towards Tibet and Tibetans. The Tibetan struggle is in no way against the Chinese people, as it is being portrayed by the PRC."

(g)."In order to destroy Tibetan Buddhism, the PRC instituted new regulations on measures for the recognition of incarnate lamas or 'Living Buddhas'. We totally oppose any interference by a Government which is avowedly atheist in spiritual affairs for political advantage. We strongly oppose the 'Patriotic Education' campaign that is being increasingly forced down in various monasteries in Tibet."

16. It is not clear whether His Holiness would take the initiative for another round of talks with the Chinese. The position seems to be that while the doors are open for more talks, the initiative has to come from the Chinese. It needs to be noted that the post-Olympics hardening of the Chinese stand on Tibet has been accompanied by what seems to be a post-Olympics hardening of the Chinese position on the Sino-Indian border talks during which the Chinese continue to insist on the transfer of at least Tawang in Arunachal Pradesh to China. It is understood that the Dalai Lama proposes to hold a meeting of the international well-wishers of the Tibetan cause to brief them on the deliberations of the Special General Meeting, which was restricted to Tibetans and seek their views. (24-11-08)

(The writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai. He is also associated with the Chennai Centre For China Studies. E-mail: )



The Constitution of the PRC contains fundamental principles on autonomy and self-government whose objectives are compatible with the needs and aspirations of the Tibetans. Regional national autonomy is aimed at opposing both the oppression and the separation of nationalities by rejecting both Han chauvinism and local nationalism. It is intended to ensure the protection of the culture and the identity of minority nationalities by empowering them to become masters of their own affairs.

To a very considerable extent Tibetan needs can be met within the constitutional principles on autonomy. On several points, the Constitution gives significant discretionary powers to state organs in decision-making and on the operation of the system of autonomy. These discretionary powers can be exercised to facilitate genuine autonomy for Tibetans in ways that would respond to the uniqueness of the Tibetan situation. Given good will on both sides, outstanding problems can be resolved within the constitutional principles on autonomy. In this way national unity and stability and harmonious relations between the Tibetan and other nationalities will be established.


Tibetans have a rich and distinct history, culture and spiritual tradition all of which form valuable parts of the heritage of humanity. Not only do Tibetans wish to preserve their own heritage, which they cherish, but equally they wish to further develop their culture and spiritual life and knowledge in ways that are particularly suited to the needs and conditions of humanity in the 21st century.
As a part of the multi-national state of the PRC, Tibetans can benefit greatly from the rapid economic and scientific development the country is experiencing. While wanting to actively participate and contribute to this development, we want to ensure that this happens without the people losing their Tibetan identity, culture and core values and without putting the distinct and fragile environment of the Tibetan plateau, to which Tibetans are indigenous, at risk.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s commitment to seek a solution for the Tibetan people within the PRC is clear and unambiguous. This position is in full compliance and agreement with paramount leader Deng Xiaoping's statement in which he emphasised that except for independence all other issues could be resolved through dialogue. Whereas, we are committed, therefore, to fully respect the territorial integrity of the PRC, we expect the Central Government to recognise and fully respect the integrity of the Tibetan nationality and its right to exercise genuine autonomy within the PRC. We believe that this is the basis for resolving the differences between us and promoting unity, stability and harmony among nationalities.


Subject Matters of Self-government1) Language2) Culture3) Religion4) Education5) Environmental Protection6) Utilisation of Natural Resources7) Economic Development and Trade8) Public health9) Public Security10) Regulation on population migration11) Cultural, educational and religious exchanges with other countries


Tibetans belong to one minority nationality regardless of the current administrative divisions. The integrity of the Tibetan nationality must be respected. That is the spirit, the intent and the principle underlying the constitutional concept of national regional autonomy as well as the principle of equality of nationalities.

There is no dispute about the fact that Tibetans share the same language, culture, spiritual tradition, core values and customs, that they belong to the same ethnic group and that they have a strong sense of common identity. Tibetans share a common history and despite periods of political or administrative divisions, Tibetans continuously remained united by their religion, culture, education, language, way of life and by their unique high plateau environment.

The Tibetan nationality lives in one contiguous area on the Tibetan plateau, which they have inhabited for millennia and to which they are therefore indigenous. For purposes of the constitutional principles of national regional autonomy Tibetans in the PRC in fact live as a single nationality all over the Tibetan plateau.

In order for the Tibetan nationality to develop and flourish with its distinct identity, culture and spiritual tradition through the exercise of self-government on the above mentioned basic Tibetan needs, the entire community, comprising all the areas currently designated by the PRC as Tibetan autonomous areas, should be under one single administrative entity. The current administrative divisions, by which Tibetan communities are ruled and administered under different provinces and regions of the PRC, foments fragmentation, promotes unequal development, and weakens the ability of the Tibetan nationality to protect and promote its common cultural, spiritual and ethnic identity. Rather than respecting the integrity of the nationality, this policy promotes its fragmentation and disregards the spirit of autonomy.


The exercise of genuine autonomy would include the right of Tibetans to create their own regional government and government institutions and processes that are best suited to their needs and characteristics. It would require that the People’s Congress of the autonomous region have the power to legislate on all matters within the competencies of the region and that other organs of the autonomous government have the power to execute and administer decisions autonomously. Autonomy also entails representation and meaningful participation in national decision-making in the Central Government. Processes for effective consultation and close cooperation or joint decision-making between the Central Government and the regional government on areas of common interest also need to be in place for the autonomy to be effective.
A crucial element of genuine autonomy is the guarantee the Constitution or other laws provide that powers and responsibilities allocated to the autonomous region cannot be unilaterally abrogated or changed. This means that neither the Central Government nor the autonomous region’s government should be able, without the consent of the other, to change the basic features of the autonomy.
Implementation of genuine autonomy, for example, requires clear divisions of powers and responsibilities between the Central Government and the government of the autonomous region with respect to subject matter competency. Currently there is no such clarity and the scope of legislative powers of autonomous regions is both uncertain and severely restricted. Thus, whereas the Constitution intends to recognise the special need for autonomous regions to legislate on many matters that affect them, the requirements of Article 116 for prior approval at the highest level of the Central Government - by the Standing Committee of National People’s Congress (NPC) - inhibit the implementation of this principle of autonomy. In reality, it is only autonomous regional congresses that expressly require such approval, while the congresses of ordinary (not autonomous) provinces of the PRC do not need prior permission and merely report the passage of regulations to the Standing Committee of the NPC “for the record” (Article 100).

The exercise of autonomy is further subject to a considerable number of laws and regulations, according to Article 115 of the Constitution. Certain laws effectively restrict the autonomy of the autonomous region, while others are not always consistent with one another. The result is that the exact scope of the autonomy is unclear and is not fixed, since it is unilaterally changed with the enactment of laws and regulations at higher levels of the state, and even by changes in policy. There is also no adequate process for consultation or for settling differences that arise between the organs of the Central Government and of the regional government with respect to the scope and exercise of autonomy. In practice, the resulting uncertainty limits the initiative of regional authorities and impedes the exercise of genuine autonomy by Tibetans today.



China cannot be trusted - Period. It is not even a debating point if one sees its historical actions. For Tibet - armed resistance is the only way forward. The Chinese army is stretched into its soft underbelly - far less populated areas of Tibet & Xingiang.

Other than Tibetians, China has to deal with 133 Musilms that inhabit Xingiang. It is as much as the Indian Muslim population and that is another cause for China to worry.

With world economy shrinking, factories are getting closed in China. Workers in tens of thousands are going back to their villages where there are no work. Expect major upheavals in China for this.

These are disturbing times for China too. Economic might is one thing, aspirations of Uighurs, Tibetians and indeed ethnic Han Chinese villagers too are completely another.

Tibetians should go in for armed struggle. There is no other way.



This was a classic commando raid replete with beach landing et al. It had all the markings of a thorough Pakistani SSG trained operation – which makes it a Pakistani Army action.

This was not your ordinary terrorist operation – our NSG commandos can flush these “terrorists” out in 10 minutes flat – no more. What Mumbai saw, was a sophisticated assault by Pakistan on India.

The total number of terrorists who came to India are rumored to be 40, of which 29 are Pakistani and the rest from Bangladesh. About 20 came in a week before and the rest a few days back from sea. A couple of them were in India for some time, having found jobs in catering divisions of hotels that were attacked to facilitate arms storage and logistics through service areas. Not all, I expect, will be commando trained - neither will the majority be ex-army / commando embedded in LeT (Lashkar e Tayyiba). What is interesting this time - India has captured one terrorist alive and though badly injured, apparently he is being made to SING and SINGING he is. :)

Let’s look at the footprints of a classic commando raid : It had stealth “undetected” entry, speed, precision, accuracy, cohesion, ferocity and aggression, clarity of thought and action, planning and reconnoitering, dry runs and degree of resistance.

What gave them away too was weapons handling, the way to hold and fire assault rifles, the way to throw grenades etc. Like a good martial artist knows another good martial artist, our NSG and MARCOS commandos knew they were up against (mostly) SSG trained commandos.

Whatever our media tells us or puts a spin, make no mistake, this was an out and out classic commando raid.

They took down a NSG officer and a few commandos.

Hence these “terrorists” were not the ordinary terrorists one encounters around the world. They received 3 months standard high end commando training by SSG trainers. A few could have been terrorists drawn from the usual basket, but the best of the best to have to pass the gruelling commando course. Normally, these small groups of commando saboteurs are led by SSG Major and I will not be surprised to see one in this raid too.

These commando terrorists did not hide their faces, and it looks like they wanted to convey a message that they were commandos. Which gives rise to the question – Pakistan wanted to send a message to India – what could that be?

ISI Chief and Gen Kiyani are coming to India(NOW IT TRANSPIRES, THEY ARE NOT AND ARE SENDING "REPRESENTATIVES" (yawn !!). Expect nothing much out of this. The old story will be played out. India will offer “proof of Pakistani involvement” and Pakistan will deny it.

I am making a couple of brazen statement here.

1. Gen Kiyani was involved in the Indian embassy blast in Kabul. He is involved in the Mumbai blasts too. Captured Pakistani terrorists have sung praises of Gen Kiyani for being one of the best “teacher” and a “motivator”.

2. The lines have blurred between Al Qaeda, Taliban and Pakistan Army. The Pakistan Army is heavily embedded in both Al Qaeda and Taliban. Earlier Pakistan Army used to lead raids in other countries through the garb of these mujahideen fighters, now it leads as well as runs these from within. These soldiers have gone “native” and dress and move as Al Qaeda / Taliban.

3. A highly trained SSG commando killed Benazir Bhutto. Those in the know say that this tall lithe man stood and fired three steady shots, and after each shot unwaveringly brought the firing position back to same spot to fire again - hallmark of a commando trained for VVIP killings.

4. Killing of 10 French soldiers in Afghanistan and Samba infiltration in India bore all the hallmarks of a SSG commando operation.

Pakistan army is completely at odds with the US Agenda in Afghanistan and does not want to fight the tribals / Taliban in its north west. Because it is akin to fighting one Pakistan army regiment with another and Pakistan army cannot carry on the sham attacks on Taliban for too long. If attacks carry on any longer, these Tribal militias and Taliban operatives that are not drawn out from Pakistan army, will feel "betrayed" by Pakistan Army's offensive on its cadres (already being felt) and this will lead to disastrous destabilising consequences within Pakistan.

It wants to divert the army's attention back to its eastern borders with India - and the Mumbai attacks would increase the Indian threat perception which will entail Pakistan moving its army divisions from Afghanistan border to the Indian border. This will allow Taliban (aka Pakistan army embedded in Taliban) to freely move and mount operations in Afghanistan against NATO / ISAF forces. How convenient?


It has been a well thought of strategy of Pakistan Army to embed the Taliban and terrorist organizations like Lashkar e Taiyyba, Jaish e Mohammad, Lashkar e Jahagvi with its own soldiers and commandos. These army recruits blend in with Taliban and terror organizations, deemed to have gone "native", maybe without the knowledge of Taliban / terror organizations who are just happy to have received high class "recruits".

Pakistan Army, through ISI, now draws back its own cadres from Taliban and these terror organizations for special operations around the globe. For Mumbai attacks, Lashkar e Taiyyba was chosen - but the actual foot soldiers were ex-army soldiers including SSG commandos (leading the charge) already embedded in these organizations - as well as a few battle hardened fidayeen terrorists. These LeT "terrorists" were given rigourous training by either current or ex-SSG commando trainers (sufficiently bearded to evade detect) who will probably be known as Gen Saab or Gen Mohd (aka John Doe).

After training, the underworld network of Dawood Ibrahim takes over the logistics of ferrying these so called "terrorists" to India and within India. The arms shipment is taken care by a specialized unit of Pakistan Army that affords it complete deniability.


1. Stop Pakistan Army fight its own cadres in the Taliban along the Afghanistan border where it is actively engaged in destabilising Afghanistan.

2. Create sufficient terror in India to increase the threat to Pakistan from India

3. Shift the Pakistan Army regiments from Afghan border to the Indian border thereby facilitating active sabotage of Afghanistan and ensuring the defeat of NATO / ISAF forces.

4. That Kashmir elections are going on, gives it a perfect cover. People may mistake that this was a LeT operation for Kashmir. RED HERRING.

5. There could be some "terrorists" with foreign passports. Jews were targetted and killed. This to show that this was an Al Qaeda operation and create sound bytes for the media. Make no mistake - these people were trained in Pakistan, and they were part of Pakistani army operation.


What next then?

PM Manmohan Singh is in a bind. He has to take a TOUGH stand (ELCTIONS on the horizon, and few state elections underway) and might have to request Gen Kiyani with folded hands to co-operate : in other words, to allow India a few cross-border hot pursuits, to bolster his party’s soft image before elections (which I DOUBT will be granted. Pakistan may ban LeT and place Hafiz Sayeed in a plush AC accomodation "house arrest" till the heat dies down and it will continue to feign ignorance about whereabouts of Dawood Ibrahim..

INDIA, as usual, will be shortchanged. Expect nothing more than that.

Pakistan has played its card well, and as usual India has NO answers to give.

We do not have national database of criminals, no digital imaging / fingerprinting recognition software, no video surveillance, no dedicated centralized terrorism fighting unit of an adequate size, no uniform “patriot act”, no dedicated helicopters / gunships for ATS, no regular training for ATS, not adequate body armour, antiquated weaponry, no bi-partisan electoral support wracked as it is with vote bank politics – and if we are not a soft target, then what are we?

On top of that, ISRAEL has slammed INDIA for ham handed approach towards rescue operations. I agree. The way media was given latitude to cover the events live was shocking to say the least, it could have given inputs to terrorist inside.

I wish to end with a text message I got from INDIAN ARMY:



Ray said...
This comment has been removed by the author.
Ray said...

One has to understand China from the Chinese standpoint and their history.

China has expanded their Middle Kingdom (Zhōngguó) through conquests.

Han Chinese culturalism arose to distinguish between the culture of the Han, or inner people (nei ren), and the "barbarians," the outer people (wai ren). The Chinese social institutions and their feeling of cultural and aesthetic superiority have provided the reassurance to the Han people in the face of barbarian penetration or conquest.

The concept of Han culture started with the Shang Dynasty whose political centre was North of the Yellow River. They inculcated the sense of Han superiority into the population and designated the surrounding peoples as ‘barbarians’. The surrounding peoples who assimilated the Han culture were termed as ‘cooked barbarians’ (shufan) and those who refused to assimilate the Han culture were termed as ‘raw barbarians’ (shengfan).

Barbarians were given generic names: Yi barbarians to the East, Man to the South, Rong to the West and Di to the North.

Names of the ‘out groups’ (wai ren) were commonly written with animal radicals: Di, a northern tribe was linked to the Dog, Man and Min of the South with the reptile, and the Qiang with the Sheep. This reflected the Han mindset of linking civilisation and culture. This practice was stopped after 1931.

Rather than outright conquest of outsider, China (the Middle Kingdom), the theory of ‘using the Chinese way to transform the barbarian’ (yongxiabianyi) was used. Through cultural absorption and intermarriage, a barabarian could become a Han Chinese (handhua).

What China is doing in Tibet and Xingjian is but using the Chinese way to transform the barbarians. Unfortunately for them, the world order has changed and peoples all over the world are aware of the nationalism and subnationalism and are fiercely guarding the same as in the case of Tibet and even Xingjian.

Another issue that one must understand is their concept of Legalism.

Legalism was a pragmatic political philosophy that does not address higher questions like the nature and purpose of life. It has maxims like "when the epoch changed, legalism is the act of following all laws", and its essential principle is one of jurisprudence. "Legalism" here has the meaning of "political philosophy that upholds the rule of law", and is thus distinguished from the Western meaning of the word. The school's most famous proponent and contributor Han Fei believed that a ruler should govern his subjects by the following trinity:
1. Fa (Chinese: 法; pinyin: fǎ; literally "law or principle"): The law code must be clearly written and made public. All people under the ruler were equal before the law. Laws should reward those who obey them and punish accordingly those who dare to break them. Thus it is guaranteed that actions taken are systematically predictable. In addition, the system of law ran the state, not the ruler. If the law is successfully enforced, even a weak ruler will be strong.
2. Shu (Chinese: 術; pinyin: shù; literally "method, tactic or art"): Special tactics and "secrets" are to be employed by the ruler to make sure others don't take over control of the state. Especially important is that no one can fathom the ruler's motivations, and thus no one can know which behaviour might help them getting ahead; except for following the 法 or laws.
3. Shi (Chinese: 勢; pinyin: shì; literally "legitimacy, power or charisma"): It is the position of the ruler, not the ruler himself or herself, that holds the power. Therefore, analysis of the trends, the context, and the facts are essential for a real ruler.

China will not change from their ancient philosophies that have held them in good stead. China’s rejection of talks with the HH Dalai Lama’s people indicates the contempt they hold for ‘out group/ outsiders’ as also the total disdain they displayed during Mao Tse Tung’s tenure. The fact that the Three years of Natural Disaster and the Cultural Revolution or the Tiananmen Square massacre evoked no national outrage is indicative of the Philosophy of Legalism working. The Han people will remain the sheep they are.

The manner in which the Hans are crushing religion in Tibet and Xingjian indicates that the Chinese Communists fear religion, which is a binding factor and hence are worried about the power and authority of the Dalai Lama. As it is, they have spirited away the chosen Panchen Lama and put in their fraudulent Panchen Lama. In Xingjian, the Moslem clergy as is with other religions in China are cleared by the PRC government and they can give sermons that are approved by the State. In Xingjian, no Islamic education can be imparted to children below 18 years of age and till one is 18, no Moslem can enter the Mosque!

The Chinese are in an overdrive to root out religion of the ‘barbarians’ and replace it with Han culture, so that it opens up the path for conquest through the “Chinese way”.

Therefore, who can trust the Chinese?