Thursday, March 27, 2008



In response to some questions from the "Tibetan Times", a journal of the Tibetan diaspora, I have sent the following comments:

"We have been seeing the third freedom struggle in Tibet since the Communists came to power in China. The first freedom struggle was crushed by the Chinese in the 1950s, resulting in the flight of His Holiness, the Dalai Lama, and a large number of Tibetan refugees to India in 1959. The second freedom struggle of a short duration in 1989 was also crushed by the Chinese. Now, we are seeing the third since March 10,2008. The world was not fully informed of the facts of the previous two freedom struggles because of poor communications. The world has been aware of the third freedom struggle from the moment it started, thanks to the Internet and mobile telephones. The whole world is watching the brave Tibetans fighting for their freedom on the TV screen and in the Internet.. As a result, there is greater public sympathy now. Governments have to be cautious and cannot openly take a stand of supporting the freedom struggle. Their open support is confined to calling for a dialogue between His Holiness and the Chinese. But, there is a lot more that the civil societies of democratic countries can do than what they are doing---like condemning the military suppression of the freedom struggle, calling for an international enquiry into the violation of the human rights of theTibetans, demanding that international lawyers be allowed to defend the hundreds of Tibetans arrested by the Chinese, that the UN Secretary-General appoint a Special Rapporteur on Tibet to monitor the situation there and report to the Secretary-General. etc. The Tibetans also should voice these demands. It is not advisable to boycott the Olympic Games. Instead the Olympic Games and the passage of the Olympic torch before the games through various countries should be taken advantage of to draw the attention of the internationalcommunity to the state of affairs in Tibet, Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia and even in the Han areas of China.. It will be unwise for the Tibetan diaspora abroad to indulge in acts of violence. Instead, they should adopt Gandhiji's method of a non-violent agitation. They should also peacefully observe the day of the passage of the flame through various countries as a day of mourning for those killed in Tibet,Sichuan,Gansu and Qinghai and as a day of solidarity with the freedom struggle.Parallel to the Olympic flame, the Tibetan diaspora should carry through various countries, the flame of Tibetan freedom.His Holiness should issue an appeal to the conscience of mankind and to all civil societies to see that the flame of Tibetan rights is not extinguished. China is facing in Tibet a situation similar to what the USSR had faced in the Baltic States. Just as the Baltic States emerged independent despite the brutal suppression by the Soviets, so too the Tibetans will emerge independent. Independence is in their destiny. It cannot be denied or stopped. Budapest--1956, Prague--1968,Warsaw--- 1980, Kabul-- 1988, Baghdad---2003, Lhasa---2008. The lesson of history is that brute military force cannot suppress a people. It is time for the Chinese leadership to learn from history."

(A keynote speech delivered by the writer on March 26,2008, at an international seminar on INDIA-SOUTHEAST ASIA: STRATEGICCONVERGENCE IN THE 21ST CENTURY organised from March 26 to 28,2008, by the CENTRE FOR SAARC STUDIES of the Andhra University, Visakhapattnam (Vizag) )

In recent years, the expression 'strategic' to characterise relations between nations has been used somewhat widely and somewhatloosely. The characterisation ' strategic relationship' has certain defining connotations. Firstly, there is a connotation in time----strategic asagainst tactical,long-term as against short-term and enduring as against ephemeral.Secondly, it is a relationship based on perceptions ofcommon interests and not on perceptions of mutual utility. Thirdly, it is a multi-dimensional relationship with many points offocus----political, economic, mutual security, ideological affinity etc. Fourthly, a strategic relationship is a quid pro quo relationship and notone based on feelings of charity or benevolence.

2.It is often said that India has no strategic culture and that strategic thinking does not go into its policy-making. This is wrong. Thedecision of free India's founding fathers to create a genuinely democratic state in India despite the constraints likely to be imposed bydemocracy on its economic development was itself the result of strategic thinking. The evolution of India's domestic as well as externalpolicies has greatly benefited from the vision and long-term thinking of its past political leadership and policy-makers---political as well asbureaucratic. India today is toasted as an emerging power, a power to be reckoned with in policy-making at present and in future. Thefoundations for this emergence were laid by the visions of its past policy-makers. A nation and a power without a strategic culture andthinking drifts. India has never been a drifting nation or power. It is a nation which knows where it wants to go and how to go there.

3.Since its independence in 1947, democratic India has had a succession of Prime Ministers. Some of them were in power only for a shortwhile. Hence, their impact on policy-making was of only limited significance. There were others, who stayed in power longer, and hence,were able to make significant contributions to strategic thinking and policy-making. Through his policy of non-alignment, Jawaharlal Nehruenabled India to play an important role in the global arena despite its then limited economic and military potential. During the initial Cold Waryears, developing and non-aligned India played a more influential role in the world stage than a militarily and economically strong China hasbeen able to do today. Nehru proved that a moral stature for a nation is as important as a military or an economic stature. Power projectionand assertion of national interests in India's immediate neighbourhood were the defining characteristics of the legacy of Indira Gandhi, RajivGandhi and Atal Behari Vajpayee. Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh imparted new thinking to policy making and underlined theeconomic dimension of policy-making---whether internal or external--- and gave a new geographic focus to India's policy-makers.

4. To Narasimha Rao, who was the Prime Minister between 1991 and 1996, should go the credit for enlarging the geographic orientation ofIndia's external policy. He took India's policy-makers out of the morass of South Asia where they had got stuck for some years andbeckoned them to look to South-East and Central Asia as new playing fields for India of the future. He similarly took India out of the morassof its Arab-centric Look West policy and beckoned India's policy-makers to look to Iran as a compatible power of the future. His perceptionthat there was more in common between secular India and Shia Iran than between secular India and an increasingly Wahabised Arab worldlaid the foundation for his Look to Iran policy.

5. Since Narasimha Rao gave his Look East orientation to India's external policy, its evolution has passed through three phases. During thefirst phase between 1992 and 1998, the new orientation was welcomed by the countries of the region, but their welcome was tinged withskepticism as to whether the new orientation would be ephemeral or enduring. Despite this understandable skepticism, there was progressin the political and security-related fields. India got increasingly associated with the ASEAN and the Asean Regional Forum (ARF). The neworientation took place at a time when Singapore, a small State, was facing increasing difficulties in finding space and facilities for thetraining of its Armed Forces. It was also looking for opportunities for joint exercises for its Armed Forces. They were, of course, exercisingwith their counterparts in the UK, the US, Australia and New Zealand, but they wanted to widen their experience in the Asian context.

6.The new orientation also took place at a time when Malaysia, under the Prime Ministership of Dr.Mahatir Miohammad, had embarked on anexercise for the diversifcation of its external sources of procurement of military equipment---particularly for its Air Force. It showedincreasing interest in the procurement of Russian planes and other equipment. It wanted to tap and did tap on India's long experience withSoviet and Russian military equipment in matters such as the reliability of the equipment, training in the use of the equipment, assistancefor their maintenance etc. Boris Yeltsin's Russia too encouraged Malaysia to look up to India for the handling and maintenance of theRussian equipment.

7. While the political and security-related dimensions of the strategic relationship thus recorded some progress during the first phase,disappointment was in store in respect of the economic dimension. The initiation of the Look East policy by Narasimha Rao coincided withthe initiation of economic reforms. Well-calibrated liberalisation and globalisation became the defining charateristics of the new economicpolicy. India's Look East policy created some excitement in Singapore, Malaysia and Thailand more because of its likely economic benefitsfor South-East Asia than for any other reason.Singapore was already enjoying an infrastructure bonanza in China. Singapore and Malaysiaentertained high hopes of a similar bonanza from an investor-friendly India. Thailand was looking for co-operation in the field of inland waterprawn culture, which was taken up on a big scale in Tamil Nadu.

8. Their expectations were belied. Malaysia's hopes for big orders for road and port development did not materialise. Singapore's efforts toassociate itself, along with the Tatas, with projects for the modernisation of India's civil aviation infrastructure were rebuffed. The ambitiousproject for inland prawn culture was given up due to fears of its likely adverse impact on agricultural production. As a result of theirdisappointing experience, they concluded that India was not China and that India had miles to go before it could ever catch up with China.In their perception, whereas in China decisions at the party and Government headquarters in Beijing were implemented without reservationsand foot-dragging at all subordinate levels, in India there was foot-dragging at many levels, thereby making implementation a painfully tardyprocess.

9. China was not a factor during this first phase. No conflict of interest between India and China in this region was in the horizon. Thewelcome accorded by the countries of the region to India's Look East policy was not influenced by any negative perceptions of China intheir mind. They welcomed India for its own sake and not as a possible counter to China.

10. The second phase was marked by India''s nuclear tests of 1998 and the adverse reactions to them in the rest of the world, particularly inthe US and China. The reactions from China were particularly virulent as a result of the action of Shri Vajpayee in citing India's concerns over the Chinese nuclear capability as the reason for the tests in a secret letter addressed to the then US President Mr.Bill Clinton. TheWhite House leaked out the contents of this letter to an American newspaper thereby creating embarrassment for Shri Vajpayee. Concernsover the Indian nuclear tests and China's adverse reaction to them brought a pause in the developing relations between India and the majorcountries in South-East Asia except Singapore, which took them in its stride and did not allow them to affect its positive perception of India.Fortunately, this pause was of a short duration and was overtaken by the 9/11 terrorist strikes in the US.

11. The third phase of the evolution started on 9/11. Of all the countries in Asia, barring Israel, India has the richest experience incounter-insurgency and counter-terrorism. Before 9/11, the countries of the region----even Singapore--- avoided any co-operation with India inthe field of counter-terrorism lest they get involved in what they saw as the India-Pakistan slanging match on this issue. They also viewedIndian evidence of the involvement of Pakistani intelligence agencies and Army in fomenting terrorism against India and regarding thepresence and activities of various jihadi terrorist groups from Pakistani territory as partly motivated propaganda. India was not takenseriously on the subject of terrorism.

12. This perception changed dramatically after 9/11. As evidence started coming in to show that the 9/11 terrorist strikes in the US hadbeen planned and co-ordinated from the Afghanistan-Pakistan region by Al Qaeda and its associates, thereby corroborating what India hadbeen saying about the role of Pakistan in fomenting jihadi terrorism, Indian evidence was treated with greater respect than before 9/11.The discovery of some sleeper cells of the pro-Al Qaeda Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) in Singapore, Malaysia and Indonesia in the beginning of2002 and the Bali explosion of October,2002, further strengthened the credibility of India and its terrorism experts. After 9/11, Indiansecurity and terrorism analysts became much valued participants in fora such as those of the Council on Security Co-operation Asia-Pacific(CSCAP) and their views and assessments were heard with attention.

13. In the field of counter-terrorism, India acquired a further value addition when evidence emerged from the interrogation of Al Qaedaterrorists arrested in different countries that Al Qaeda was planning a major act of maritime terrorism in one of the choke points in order tocause a major disruption of global trade and energy supplies. The Malacca Strait being the most important choke point in this region, itsprotection from possible depredations of terrorists and pirates became a subject of great priority not only for the member-countries of theASEAN, but also for China, Japan, Australia and the US.

14. As this threat loomed large, apart from the US, India was the only country with the required naval capability to prevent it. As the US Navywas preoccupied with providing naval and logistics support to its operations in Afghanistan and subsequently in Iraq from 2003, it was not ina position to divert adequate resources for maritime security in this region. The Indian Navy and Indian experts in maritime security andmaritime counter-terrorism started playing an active role in maritime security. In 2002, the Indian Navy was even requested by the US toescort the ships of the US Navy as they transited the waters of this region on their way to the Persian Gulf area from the Pacific and back.Before 9/11, India's security related co-operation with the countries of this region was more static in the form of assistance in training, jointexercises and equipment maintenance. After 9/11, the co-operation became more active in the form of increased patrolling, co-ordinatedpatrolling with the navies of some countries etc.

15. The US not only nudged India into playing a more active role in maritime security in this region, but also encouraged other countries ofthe region to drop their reservations and concerns over an increased Indian role. For the first time since India initiated its Look East policyin the early 1990s , China started showing signs of unease over the increased activities of the Indian Navy in the waters of this region. Itsunease was further aggravated by the interest evinced by the US in godfathering an active role for India. The co-ordinated operations by thenavies of India, the US and Australia for providing disaster and humanitarian relief after the Tsunami strike in Indonesia and Sri Lanka inDecember,2004, was seen by China as possibly heralding an informal naval alliance in the making. Its concerns were further enhanced bythe talk of a concert of democracies involving India, the US, Japan and Australia. The joint naval exercise by the Navies of India, the US,Japan, Singapore and Australia in September,2007, in the Bay of Bengal was another development of major concern to Beijing. It startedtaking seriously some articles appearing in the media in India and elsewhere about an Asian NATO in the making.

16. Beijing started strongly suspecting that the emerging Indo-US naval co-operation in the South-East Asian region and what it saw as theUS-sponsored role of India in maritime security, with specific reference to maritime counter-terrorism, were actually meant to counter thegrowing Chinese power behind a facade of co-ooperation in counter-terrorism. India's repeated attempts to allay these concerns have notmet with success. Fortunately, till now, China has not allowed these concerns to affect its bilateral relations either with India or the US orthe ASEAN countries. The ASEAN countries too have not allowed China's concerns to affect their developing strategic relations with India.

17.The latest phase has also seen the economic dimension of the strategic relationship acquiring greater importance than in the first twophases. According to the Directorate-General of Commercial Intelligence and Statistics (DGCIS), Kolkata, India's exports to the ASEANcountries increased from US$ 10.41 billion in 2005-06 to US$ 12.56 billion in 2006-07, a growth of 20.67 per cent. India's imports from theASEAN countries increased from US$ 10.88 billion in 2005-06 to US$ 18.08 billion in 2006-07, a growth of over 66 per cent. The ASEAN has ahuge trade balance of about US $ six billion in its favour. The ASEAN accounted for 9.49 per cent of India's imports and 9.95 per cent ofIndia's exports during 2006-07. This figure is likely to grow up further after the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between India and the ASEAN isfinalised and implemented, hopefully later this year. The total value of the two-way trade amounted to US $ 30.64 billion , which was almostequivalent to the total value of India's two-way trade with China. At the 6th India-ASEAN summit in Singapore in November 2007, Indiaproposed to enhance the bilateral trade with the ASEAN countries to a target of US$ 50 billion by 2010.

18.Bilateral trade between Singapore and India grew by 31 per cent in 2006-07 to US $ 11.49 billion from US$ 8.7 billion in 2005-06. Indianfirms have started looking to the Singapore Stock Exchange for fund raising and listing. The SGX became a shareholder in the BombayStock Exchange in March 2007. 659,000 Indian tourists visited Singapore in 2006, the fourth largest national group.Singapore was the thirdlargest foreign investor in India in 2006-07, investing over US$ 321 million. Singapore is an increasingly valued investor in the real estatesector in South India. By June 2007, about 2,000 Indian companies had set up offices in Singapore.In 2005, India and Singapore signed aComprehensive Economic Co-operation Agreement (CECA), an integrated package comprising a free trade agreement, a bilateral agreementon investment promotion and protection, an improved double taxation avoidance agreement and a work programme for cooperation inhealthcare, education, media, tourism, customs, e-commerce, intellectual property, and science and technology.

19.Malaysia came next.The total trade with Malaysia increased 88.2 per cent from US$ 3.57 billion in 2005-06 to US$ 6.72 billion in 2006-07.The trade balance was heavily in favour of Malaysia----with India's imports from Malaysia amounting to US$ 5.28 billion, while exports wereUS$ 1.44 billion. Malaysia is stated to be among the top 10 foreign investors in India, but exact figures are not available. Indonesia wasthe third with a total two-way trade of US$ 6.21 billion in 2006-07, a growth of over 44 per cent from US$ 4.3 billion in 2005-06. But theinvestment flow from Indonesia has been insignificant.Thailand was the fourth with a total two-way trade of US $ 3.14 billion in 2006-07 asagainst US $ 1.22 billion in 2000-01. The investment flows have been in the reverse direction with increasing Indian investments in the gemsand jewellery sector in Thailand.Vietnam was the fifth with a total trade of US$ 1.15 billion in 2006-07, an increase of 40.26 per cent overthe previous year. This included Indian exports of US$ 982.5 million and imports of US$ 171.53 million.

20.Myanmar was the sixth .The total trade increased from US$ 636.66 million in 2005-06 to US $ 917.15 million in 2006-07, a growth of 44.1per cent. India's exports were worth US$ 139.2 million and imports US$ 777.95 million.India is Myanmar's fourth largest trading partner afterThailand, China and Singapore. It is also Myanmar's second largest export market after Thailand. . India is involved in several river andland-based projects in Myanmar such as the reconstruction of the Settwe port in the Arakan area, the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transportproject, the Tamu-Kalewa-Kalemyo road project and the India-Myanmar gas pipeline project. In this upswing of trade and economicrelations between India and the ASEAN countries during the third phase, the Philippines, Brunei, Laos and Cambodia have not figuredsignificantly. The reasons for this are not clear.

21.More than two million tourists from India travelled to the ASEAN countries during 2006-07 in comparison to 280,000 ASEAN tourists whotravelled to India. A study of the impact of terrorism on tourist traffic to South-East Asia made in November,2002, showed that while the Baliexplosion of October,2002, resulted in large-scale cancellations of hotel and air bookings from the West and Australia, there were very fewcancellations from India. The lesson: Indian tourists are not as nervous and panicky as their Western counterparts and , hence, are moredependable as a source of revenue.

22.. India's relations with Myanmar are in a class apart. The underlying motive is partly to benefit from its energy resources, partly to enlistits co-operation in counter-insurgency in India's North-East and partly not to leave the field open to China. However, despite Indianassistance to Myanmar in various fields including in respect of the sale of Myanmar's much-needed military equipment, India's politicalinfluence over the military junta is not comparable to that of China.One saw it in the aftermath of the widespread demonstrations by themonks and students all over Myanmar last year. The Junta was more amenable to suggestions from China to moderate its suppression andto be more sensitive to international concerns than it would have been to similar suggestionbs from India. In respect of the exploitation ofthe gas reserves in the Arakan area too, the Junta has been more attentive to the needs of China than of India. The political influence,which India has been able to build up in Myanmar, has not been commensurate with what it has done for the Junta.

23.More than the development of economoc and security-related ties, what is significant is the change in the mental attitude of the ASEANcountries to India. Nowhere is this change more striking than in their perceptions of the Indian educational system. In the 1970s, IndiraGandhi, the then Prime Minister, used to get reports about the sarcastic remarks being made by Mr.Lee Kuan-Yew, the then Singapore PrimeMinister, about the Indian educational system. He felt that India would never rise as a major power because of what he viewed as its pooreducational system. He had even advised his Ministry of Health not to allow Indian medical graduates to work in Singapore. Today, theASEAN countries---even Singapore--- have been highly impressed by the quality of the Indian education. The Manipal University of Karnatakahas been invited to set up a campus in Malaysia to train Malaysian students in medicine. They do the first two years of their medicaleducation in the University's campus in Malaysia and then come to Manipal for the final two years. Singapore has been keen to benefit fromthe high quality of the education in the Indian Institutes of Technology and Management.

24. In the post-9/11 world, they have also been impressed by the fact that the Indian educational system has not only been producingprofessionals of very high quality, but have also been producing more Muslim moderates than extremists. It is true that a small number ofMuslim products of the Indian educational system have gravitated towards pro-Al Qaeda organisations such as the Lashkar-e-Toiba and theHarkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami (HUJI), but there is no instance as yet of any product of the Indian educational system drifting towards Al Qaeda. Inthe UK, about six Indian-origin Muslims were suspected to have links with Al Qaeda, but all of them were products of the British educationalsystem. Can the South-East Asian countries learn something from this?

25. In February 2005, the Strategic Studies Institute of the US Army War College had released a study made for it by Shri Amit Gupta, anIndian scholar titled "The US-India Relationship: Strategic Partnership or Complementary Interests? " Shri Amit Gupta was a VisitingProfessor in the US Air Force War College. His study referred to the positive aspects of the Indian educational system and suggested thatthe US should encourage the countries of this region to look up to the Indian educational system and, at the same time, help India in furtherdeveloping it.

26. While the strategic relations with the countries of this region have been expanding at variable speeds, there are landmines. Theincreasing alienation of the Malaysian citizens of Indian origin as seen during the demonstrations of last year is one such landmine. TheIndian-origin citizens have grievances due to economic and religious reasons. The economic grievances arise from the continued prioritygiven to the Malays under the Bhumiputra policy and the consequent failure of the Indian-origin community to have their due share of thenational cake. The religious grievances arise from the perceived failure of the Government and the municipal authorities to heed theirprotests over the demolition of many temples on the ground that they had been constructed illegally on Government-owned or municipalland. The Hindus are particularly aggrieved over the fact that while no such action has been taken against mosques, which were similarlyconstructed without proper authorisation, the demolition action has been directed only against their temples. If the past irregularities of themosques could be regularised post facto, why not the past irregularities of the temples? The unhappiness and grievances of the Hindus are having their echo in India, particularly in Tamil Nadu. This could come in the way of further development of relations between India andMalaysia in the absence of a greater sensitivity by the Malaysian authorities to the grievances of the Hindus, which many in India view aslegitimate.

27. The second landmine is the growing Chinese perception that India and the US are acting in tandem in helping each other in furtheringtheir respective strategic interests in this region. Beijing continues to see a China angle to this Indo-US co-operation despite repeateddenials by India and the US. Till now, the countries of this region have not allowed their policies to be influenced by the Chinese concerns.Will they continue to do so in future?
28. Not only China, but even sections of the policy-making circles in Malaysia and Indonesia view with some mental reservation USassessments and projections of security threats to this region----particularly threats to maritime security. They have a lurking suspicion thatthere is an ulterior motive behind what they see as an over-projection of the threat perceptions by the US. How to make India's strategicco-operation with the US in this region compatible with its growing strategic relationship with the countries of this region and even withChina. That is a question, which needs to be addressed by this seminar as well as by our policy-makers.(26-3-08)

(The writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For TopicalStudieas, Chennai. He is also associated with the Chennai Centre For China Studies. E-mail: )