Saturday, September 1, 2012



HAVE YOU COME ACROSS A MIND SICKER THAN  THIS?

B.RAMAN

During my long years with the Research & Analysis Wing (R&AW), I had , inter alia, handled the external aspects of the tribal insurgency in the North-East, the Khalistani terrorism, the Jihadi terrorism and the external aspects of the physical security of the Prime Minister of India.

2. In June 1985,Rajiv Gandhi undertook his first  travel abroad as the Prime Minister of India. He visited France, Algeria, the USA and Switzerland. He went back to India and came out again in October to visit the then USSR and Holland.

3.His June visits coincided with the first anniversary of Operation Blue Star in the Golden Temple in Amritsar. Khalistani elements based in Pakistan, West Europe and the US took a vow to have him assassinated before he returned to India. I was asked to help the SPG, which is responsible for the protection of the Prime Minister, during his visits to France, Switzerland and Holland.

4. That was the first time I came into contact with Rajiv, Sonia, Rahul and Priyanka. Rahul and Priyanka were young kids at that time. I had an opportunity of interacting with the kids, particularly in Paris. I have not met them after October,1985, but have maintained a distant interest in their welfare and progress in life.

5.I have been worried, like many of our fellow-citizens, over the declining and depressing state of affairs in the country. I have written a number of articles critical of the way Prime Minister Dr.Manmohan Singh has been handling the situation. Some of the articles were mildly critical, some very hard-hitting. I had also suggested that the time had come for the Congress to go for mid-term elections to remove the political gloom.

6. I believed that Shri Narendra Modi, the Chief Minister of Gujarat, was the man for the occasion and it was time for him to enter the political arena and take over as the PM after winning the elections. Between 2000 and till recently, I was a strong supporter of the BJP, the RSS and Modi.

7. Last year, I started visiting the Twitter site regularly  in the hope of keeping myself in touch with what was being discussed in the Twitter world. That was the beginning of my interactions with the online followers of Modi. I was shocked by their uncouth manners, foul language and extremist mind-set. Whenever I tweeted anything positive about Sonia, Rahul and Priyanka, the followers of Namo came down on me like a ton of bricks and subjected me to vile abuse.

8. I was called an old man who had become senile and developed Alzheimer’s disease. It was claimed that my cancer had spread to my brain etc. By nature, I am a pleasant and polite person. I was shocked by the kind of language used and threats uttered by the online followers of NaMo. Twice I quit Twitter in disgust and then I came back because of my curiosity.

9. I wrote articles drawing attention to the Stormtrooper like methods of the online followers of NaMo and the kind of abuse and character assassination being directed at me. I sincerely believed NaMo was not aware of the obnoxious behaviour of his online followers. I wrote and tweeted a number of times suggesting that he should openly condemn their methods and dissociate himself from them. There was no response. I couldn’t help believing that his followers were indulging in such methods with his knowledge and approval. That was the beginning of my disillusionment with NaMo. My writings and Tweets became increasingly critical of of NaMo’s followers whom I started calling the NaMo Brigade and NaMo himself.

10. That was also the time when I started taking fresh interest in the personalities, policies and activities of the Congress. I did have hopes that Rahul could turn around matters, but my hopes were belied. I started thinking that the time had come for Priyanka to enter the political scene to set matters right with the support of the GenNext of the party. Rahul had not been able to enthuse the younger elements in the party and the country. It was important that Priyanka tried her hand at this.

11. In the beginning of June, I wrote my first article suggesting that Sonia should induct Priyanka into active politics. I was surprised by the initial condemnation of my articles by friends and foes alike. The NaMo Brigade stepped up its attacks on me. I was insulted. I was ridiculed. My sanity was called into question. I decided to go into a mode of watching silence.

12.To my surprise, after about three weeks, others too started discussing Priyanka as a possible political aspirant--- Shri Virendra Kapoor in Rediff, the Sunday Guardian and some other columnists and papers. Last week, NDTV had a series of political discussions on the likelihood of a mid-term poll. One of the questions polled and debated was the chances of Priyanka.

13. I drew the attention of my Twitter followers to this and tweeted once again why I had suggested the name of Priyanka.I tweeted in two consecutive tweets:  “As yesterday's developments in Gujarat show, NaMo will not be able to shake off his dark shadow. Namo is darkness at noon. Priyanka is brightness at night.” My reference was to the shadow over NaMo after the conviction of 31 of the accused in the  Naroda Patiya case of massacre of over 90 Muslims by a mob egged on by some Hindutva Top Guns. My allusion was  to Arthur Koestler’s novel of the last century based on life under Stalin. I was buried in an avalanche of abusive tweets from NaMo’s followers. Some of them even accused me of giving a powerful political slogan to the Congress for the next elections.

14.A couple of days later, one of my followers drew my attention to a defamatory, calumnious blog post twisting the meaning of my Tweets. The post deleted my reference to the conviction of the accused in the Naroda Pitiya massacre case and carried only my characterisations of NaMo as Darkness and Priyanka as Brightness. The post alleged that this old man used to send love Tweets to Barkha Dutt of NDTV, now he has started sending love Tweets to Priyanka.

15.His rage over my suggesting Priyanka as a possible future leader was obvious, but he was unable to counter me logically. So he indulged in character assassination.I have not come across a more sickening mind. It was the reaction of the lowliest of the lowlies.

16.Previously,whenever I used to protest online against the abuses and character assassination directed against me by NaMo’s supporters, my well-wishers in the BJP and the RSS used to ask me to ignore them. They used to claim these were not well-educated people capable of politeness.

17.But the man who has attacked my personal honour and projected me as a decrepit old man with a hunger for attractive women is not an uneducated person. I understand he is a graduate of one of the prestigious IITs of India. After having lived in Mumbai for some years, he is now reportedly based in the US and has allegedly been co-ordinating the online Blitzkrieg of NaMo from his safe sanctuary in the US.

18. If this is the kind of people who are the brains of the NaMo For PM campaign, would it be in the interest of the country for NaMo to become the PM? Everyman is known by the company he keeps. This is the kind of company NaMo keeps.( 2-9-12)

(The  writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai, and Associate of the Chennai Centre For China Studies. E-mail: seventyone2@gmail.com  Twitter @SORBONNE75)

 

ACCEPTABILITY OF NAMO OUTSIDE GUJARAT WILL REMAIN UNCERTAIN




 

B.RAMAN

The conviction of 31 of the accused  in the Naroda Patiya massacre case of Gujarat by a special fast track court has to be welcomed for two reasons despite the fact that the case has not yet reached its logical conclusion with all avenues for appeal exhausted. Ninety-six people, mainly Muslims, were massacred by the accused during the communal conflagration of 2002 in Gujarat. The convicted have been sentenced to long terms of imprisonment.

2. The fact that some prominent Hindutva personalities of the Gujarat unit of the BJP were among those convicted would indicate the high-level of involvement of BJP personalities in the instigation, if not the commission of the massacre.

3. The conviction and heavy sentencing have to be welcomed by all right-thinking persons because the case  clearly shows that the rule of law ultimately prevails in the country and that the courts will not tolerate massacres of members of the religious minorities by the religious majority.

4. The second reason for welcoming  it is that it will send a reassuring  message to the minorities that the law of the land makes no distinction between the religious majority and minorities while dealing with wrong-doings of a heinous nature.

5. I have pointed in many of my writings since the Indian Mujahideen (IM) made its appearance in 2007 that some of the Muslim youth belonging to the IM claimed to have been driven to jihadi terrorism by what they perceived as the unfair criminal justice system towards the Muslims. Hopefully, the Naroda Patiya judgement will transmit a clear message to the Muslim youth of the country that our criminal justice system is not prejudiced against them. More such judgements will help the Police in de-alienating the Muslim youth.

6. From what I have read in the media, there is no credible evidence to show any complicity of sections of the Shri Narendra Modi administration in the massacre. There might have been individual instances of  negligence and reluctance to act firmly because of the involvement of some Hindutva leaders, but from this, one cannot allege any complicity of the Modi administration.

7. Shri Modi continues to be immensely popular among the Hindus of Gujarat and the Gujarati youth because of his contribution to economic development without large-scale corruption and improvement of governance. One has to concede that Gujarat remain the best administered State in India today. Shri Modi is bound to reap the benefits of his record in the elections to the State Assembly due towards the end of this year.

8.But the details of the massacre of Muslims as they came out from the trial, the involvement of some Hindutva top-guns in the massacre and the fact that the massacre took place under Shri Modi’s watch are bound to add to the feelings of disquiet about Shri Modi’s acceptability as a pan-Indian and all-communities leader in other parts of India where emotional attachment to Shri Modi does not play the same role as in Gujarat. Many people in other parts of India admire his record as an administrator and concede his remarkable contribution to the economic progress of his State. At the same time, they are reluctant to accept him as a national leader. How uncertain will be his pan-Indian acceptability became evident from some of the reservations expressed recently by Shri Nitish Kumar, the Chief Minister of Bihar.

9.The style of the online blitzkrieg adopted by his die-hard followers in India and abroad reminiscent of the methods of the Nazi stormtroopers, continues to add to the disquiet. I have been drawing attention to these Storm-troopers and their obnoxious methods marked by abuse, invectives and intimidation since last year. I have been repeatedly pointing out that these Stormtroopers, claiming to act on behalf of Shri Modi, have been doing a tremendous disservice to his future and may come in the way of the wider acceptance sought by him. I have repeatedly urged that he should openly dissociate himself from them and condemn their methods. He has not done so thereby giving rise to an unfortunate suspicion that he may be politically benefitting from them.

10. The echoes of the court judgement and the reverberations of the intimidatory and grossly abusive methods of the Stormtroopers will be felt increasingly across the democratic societies of the West. Shri Modi might have been welcomed in South-East Asian societies, but in the western societies the question marks over his head will remain despite the recognition by sections of the Western media of his undoubted administrative acumen and economic management.

11. Shri Modi has every right to aspire to be the next Prime Minister of India, but his acceptability will not improve unless he rids himself of the support of the online Stormtrooper elements. Till he does so, he will remain quarantined in Gujarat. ( 1-9-12)

(The  writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai, and Associate of the Chennai Centre For China Studies. E-mail: seventyone2@gmail.com  Twitter @SORBONNE75)

Friday, August 31, 2012

NAMO’S ONLINE BLITZKRIEG: WHAT I TWEETED ON AUGUST 11,2012




 

B.RAMAN

1.Rediff's interesting report on NaMo's online publicity blitzkrieg http://www.rediff.com/news/special/with-adspend-of-rs-200-500-cr-modis-election-pr-blitz-leaves-congress-dazed-special/20120810.htm …

2.I have been drawing attention to this for more than 18 months. I had also drawn attention last year to online blitzkrieg of Anna's team.

3. NaMo and Team Anna were helped by excellent IT brains---domestic in case of Anna and NRIs in case of NaMo. There has been online fatigue ..... contd

4. in case of Team Anna, but not in case of Team NaMo. If Team NaMo can moderate their language and use facts and figures and not abuses and .....  contd

5.invectives, one cannot object to their online blitzkrieg. Team NaMo has had a headstart online. Cong is waking up only now to  CONTD

6.online potential.A bit too late. At same time, online reach in India is limited. Team NaMo will have some advantage, but not crucial.FINI

 

 

 

 

MY THOUGHTS ON THE EVE OF THE VISIT OF THE CHINESE DEFENCE MINISTER TO INDIA



 

B.RAMAN

 

Mr.Liang Guanglie, the Chinese Defence Minister, who is in Sri Lanka since August 29,2012, on an official visit at the head of a 23-member delegation, is reaching New Delhi on September 2,2012, for a three-day official visit before proceeding to Laos from where he will return home.

2. His visit to India has  aroused considerable interest in India and outside. After a gap of eight years, a Chinese Defence Minister will be visiting India. The visit will be taking place on the eve of the forthcoming leadership changes in the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Chinese Government after the present leadership completes his 10-year-term.The changes in the party leadership will be taking place in October and the Government leadership in March next year.

3. In Mao Dze-dong and Deng Xiao-ping China had produced commanding individual leaders who imparted their personal stamp to policy-making----Mao in respect of foreign policy and Deng in respect of economic policies. After the departure of Deng, China has not produced a leader of similar commanding presence and influence. Amongst the expected leaders of the coming decade, one does not see anyone, who might play  such a commanding role and impart far-reaching changes to policy-making.

4.Collective leadership will continue to be the norm in the coming decade with important policies being decided collectively by the party leadership and implemented by the Government. It is, therefore, unlikely that the Chinese Defence Minister will give any indications of possible policy changes under the coming new leadership.

5. The visit will mark an improvement in the military-military relationship between the Armed Forces and the Defence Ministries of the two countries. This relationship, which had improved between 2004 and 2008 after the last visit of a Chinese Defence Minister,  suffered a set-back after some actions taken by China which indicated a possible identification of Chinese thinking and policies with those of Pakistan in matters relating to Jammu & Kashmir.

6. The first of these actions was the Chinese reluctance to issue a normal visa to a senior officer of the Indian Army posted in Jammu & Kashmir to visit China at the head of a delegation for one of the routine talks with their Chinese counterparts. This was the first time India had nominated a senior Army officer posted in J&K to head a military delegation for bilateral talks in China.

7. The Chinese reportedly took up the stand that India should either nominate an officer posted outside J&K or if it insisted on sending this particular officer, it would issue to him a special visa on a plain piece of paper and not the normal visa on his Indian passport. India rightly did not agree to this and as a result the normal Army-Army exchanges were  downgraded by India, if not suspended. It has been reported that the Chinese have since given up their hesitation to issue normal visas to officers of the Indian Armed Forces posted in J&K for official visits to China. As a result, military exchanges have again resumed and started improving.

8. The second Chinese action relating to J&K that has caused concern in India is their de facto and officially unannounced recognition of Pakistani claims of sovereignty over Gilgit-Baltistan (GB), which is still a disputed territory with conflicting claims of sovereignty by India and Pakistan. This de facto recognition could be seen in their acceptance without any objection of leaders and officials of the Gilgit-Baltistan administration in official delegations headed by President Asif Ali Zardari and Prime Minister Yousef Raza Gilani visiting China. The Chinese have never raised the issue of any special visas for Pakistani officials, civilian or military, posted in Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (POK) and Gilgit-Baltistan who are required to visit China.

9.The third Chinese action relating to J&K that has caused concern in Indian military circles relates to the reported induction of a number of personnel of the engineering divisions of the PLA into the POK and GB for the upgradation of the Karakoram Highway and additional personnel from their infantry divisions for providing protection to their engineering units.

10.In such issues relating to J&K, the Chinese Defence Ministry and  Armed forces play an important role in guiding policy-making. The Chinese actions in going ahead with these moves unmindful of the sensitivities and concerns of India indicate certain pro-Pakistani constants in Chinese strategic policy-making relating to its relations with India and Pakistan.

11. The Chinese have reportedly sought to address Indian sensitivities relating to the issue of visas to Indian military officers posted in J & K, but they have not shown any willingness to address the Indian sensitivities and concerns over their actions in the POK and GB. However, the Government of India has apparently decided not to let this come in the way of the resumption of military-military exchanges and confidence-building measures between the two countries. The visit of the Chinese Defence Minister will impart the political stamp of approval to various steps being considered for further strengthening the exchanges and CBMs. Among such measures being speculated about are the  resumption of the joint counter-terrorism exercises which are in a state of suspension since 2008, a possible joint air force exercise,  the upgradation of the level of military representation in the Embassies of the two countries  in each other’s capital and greater co-ordination of the anti-Somali piracy operations of the Navies of the two countries. It has been reported by “The Hindu” that the Chinese are keen to have separate Attaches from their Navy and Air Force in their Embassy in New Delhi on a reciprocal basis and that New Delhi may agree to this.

12.Chinese intentions and capabilities in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) and in those areas of Xinjiang adjoining  J&K continue to be a matter of concern to Indian military circles. In addition to strengthening their military-related infrastructure and deployments in the TAR, the Chinese have been stepping up the level, diversity, frequency and complexity of their military exercises in the TAR since October 2010. These exercises have a domestic as well as an India-focussed dimension.

13. The domestic dimension relates to strengthening their capability for putting down any disturbances after the death of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Last month, the Chinese internal security agencies held joint counter-terrorism exercises in the Lhasa region. They are trying to strengthen the helicopter-lift capability of their Army in the plateau areas. They are extending their rail and road networks and constructing more airfields in the TAR. All these at present seem to be related to strengthening their capability to prevent any instability in Tibet after His Holiness, but these value-additions could also help them in any military operations against India in the Arunachal Pradesh sector.

14. The India-focussed dimension is about the increasing participation of the Chinese Air Force in military exercises in the TAR. Why this increasing importance to the role of the Air Force in Tibet? It cannot be to meet internal instability. It has to be to meet eventualities in the event of a military conflict with India.

15.In the past, some Indian analysts were of the view that the Indian Army might not have suffered a humiliation at the hands of the Chinese Army in 1962 if India had used its Air Force to disrupt the Chinese lines of communications. It is now mentally accepted in both the countries that if there is another conventional military conflict between the two countries, the two Air Forces will play an active role. It should be evident from the recent exercises with the active participation of the Chinese Air Force that the Chinese are improving the training of their Army and Air Force for eventual joint operations if there is a military conflict with India

16. The importance of such high-level visits lies not only in the formalities of the discussions and exchanges across the table, but also in the informalities of the brain-picking during the opportunities for informal interactions provided by the visits. Indian military officials will definitely try to find out what exactly is the Chinese military thinking relating to operations mounted from Tibet, but they are unlikely to get an answer. The answer has to come from our intelligence agencies.

17.The prevailing wisdom presently is that if there is another military conflict with China, it will be an Army-Air Force joint operation from both sides across the border with no involvement by the Navies. Has the time come to revisit that wisdom and re-examine the likely role of the two Navies? It is in this context that the Indian Navy ought to be viewing and assessing the growing Chinese military interest in countries such as  Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, the Maldives and Seychelles.

18. The Chinese military’s interest in these  countries has two dimensions. The first is strengthening the military supply relationship in order to create a dependence on Chinese military equipment. The second is to strengthen  the Chinese role in port development and to improve the Navy-Navy exchanges. The strategic implications of the second dimension ought to be a matter of growing concern for the Indian Navy. At present, the seeming Chinese interest is in protecting their supplies of energy and other essential goods for which their Navy requires a presence in countries en route.

19. What could be the impact of the Navy-related capabilities in the Indian Ocean region that they are developing on a future military conflict between India and China? That is a question that has to be seriously examined by us.

20. The Chinese are puzzled and worried by the visibles and invisibles of our developing strategic relationship with the US.Is it purely an ad hoc and one-night courting or is there a strategic durability to the Indo-US coming together? Does it purely have an ocean-related dimension relating to jointly protecting the respective interests of India and the US in the Indian Ocean region or does it have a South China Sea dimension too? What is the extent of the strategic co-operation between the Armies and Air Forces of India and the US? What kind of scenarios warranting ground co-operation they are discussing? Is the possibility of an opportunistic foray into Tibet in the event of instability there one of the scenarios being discussed?

21.These are questions to which the Chinese have been trying to find an answer. It is likely that during the informal discussions between the two delegations, the Chinese will try to pick our brains on these questions bothering them. It will be in our interest to keep them guessing and worried.

22. A conventional wisdom at present in thinking and analytical circles in both India and the US is that the Chinese are mighty worried over the possibility of India and the US coming together to contain China. I do not subscribe to this. Their first worry now  is the implications of the India-US military co-operation for their attempts to pacify Tibet and in any military conflict between India and China over the unresolved border issue. We should keep this constantly in mind in our strategic planning.( 1-9-12)

(The  writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai, and Associate of the Chennai Centre For China Studies. E-mail: seventyone2@gmail.com  Twitter @SORBONNE75)

 

 

 

 

INDIA-PAK:SIGNALS FROM TEHRAN INDICATE POSSIBLE MIDTERM POLLS IN INDIA




 

B.RAMAN

 

Pakistani media reports on the meeting between our Prime Minister Dr.Manmohan Singh and Pakistan’s President Asif Ali Zardari in the margins of the NAM summit in Tehran on August 29,2012, are tinged with ill-concealed disappointment over the perceived reluctance of our Prime Minister to make a definitive commitment over a possible visit by him to Pakistan.

2. A few weeks ago Mr Zardari was reported to have written to Dr.Manmohan Singh inviting him to visit the Sikh holy shrines in and around Lahore  coming November.

3. According to reliable Pakistani sources, no formal reply to the invitation has so far gone to Islamabad from New Delhi. Pakistani leaders were hoping that some positive indications of a likely acceptance of the invitation might be forthcoming during the meeting between the two leaders in Tehran.

4. The indications from New Delhi before our Prime Minister’s departure for Tehran that India would not be taking up with Pakistan the allegations of a possible Pakistani State role in the dissemination through the cyber space of exaggerated  and false accounts of the recent anti-Muslim violence in Myanmar and India with the help of morphed images and creation of feelings of nervousness and panic among the people from India’s North-East living in South India and Pune added to the Pakistani hopes of a positive reply from our Prime Minister.

5. Before the Prime Minister’s departure for Tehran, sections of the Indian media had carried what appeared to be authoritative though unattributed reports that Dr.Manmohan Singh would not raise this issue with Mr.Zardari for want of evidence regarding any role of the Pakistani State in the dissemination.

6. This lowered the somewhat high temperature created following briefings that had earlier come from officials of the Ministry of Home Affairs of the Government of India insinuating a possible role of the Pakistani State agencies.

7.According to Pakistani journalists who had accompanied Mr.Zardari to Tehran, Dr.Manmohan Singh confined himself to reiterating the importance of early and satisfactory prosecution of the master conspirators of the 26/11 terrorist strikes in Mumbai now facing trial before a special anti-terrorism tribunal in Rawalpindi. He was reported to have stated that effective action by Pakistan to take the trial to its logical conclusion would be an important confidence-building measure.

8. While Pakistani sources describe the atmosphere during the discussions as good, there is a disappointment over the continuing reluctance of the Prime Minister to  visit Pakistan. It is stated that while keeping open the possibility of a visit at an appropriate time, Dr. Manmohan Singh was disinclined to give definitive indications of dates.

9.According to reliable Pakistani sources, Dr.Manmohan Singh was a little more cautious than he was during the visit of Mr.Zardari to Delhi in April last on the question of a possible visit by him to Pakistan.

10. Despite the implication of Pakistani state agencies by Abu Jundal, the Indian terrorist belonging to the Lashkar-e-Toiba, who had played a role in the orchestration from Karachi of the 26/11 terrorist strikes, there has been no negative factors of a serious nature in the bilateral relations since Mr.Zardari’s visit.

11. If reports from my Pakistani sources of an extra-cautious Dr.Manmohan Singh on the question of a visit to Pakistan are correct, it is my assessment that this could not be due to any fresh negative factors in the bilateral relations. This could be more due to the fact that the Congress Party is toying with the idea of mid-term polls either this year-end or in the beginning of next year.

12. In the calculations of the  Congress Party, simultaneous polls to the Lok Sabha and the Gujarat Assembly would keep Shri Narendra Modi, the Chief Minister of Gujarat, bottled up in Gujarat and come in the way of his playing an active role in the campaign in the rest of India. Early mid-term polls would also prevent Anna Hazare and his followers from politically organising themselves.

13. If the Congress decides in favour of mid-term polls, any new initiative in Indo-Pakistan relations such as a visit to Pakistan by the Prime Minister could prove unwise and counter-productive.

14. Hence, the Prime Minister’s reported extra caution during his talks with Mr.Zardari in Tehran. ( 30-8-12)

(The  writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai, and Associate of the Chennai Centre For China Studies. E-mail: seventyone2@gmail.com  Twitter @SORBONNE75)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Thursday, August 30, 2012

BARKHA DUTT & 26/11



 

B.RAMAN

 

I have been in receipt of E-mails very critical of my two articles  on the Obiter observations of the Supreme Court regarding the objectionable role of our TV channels in their live coverage of the 26/11 terrorist strikes in Mumbai. Some E-mails have been from people I don’t know and some others from people I know and respect----print media journos and  officers of the Indian Police Service.

2. Their objection is to my stand that the SC’s critical observations are  directed at all TV channels and not at any individual channel or reporter in particular. They have interpreted this as an attempt by me to whitewash the objectionable manner in which Barkha Dutt of NDTV did her live reporting of 26/11.

3. They allege that anybody who was present in Mumbai at that time and had seen the way Barkha bulldozed her way around and live-covered the operations against the Lashkar-e-Toiba terrorists from Mumbai would not fail to notice that some of the references made by the SC point the needle of disapproval at her and the NDTV channel without naming them.

4.While strongly backing Barkha on the so-called Radia Tapes issue, I had in the past not hesitated to express my disquiet over the way she covered 26/11. I know that the community of IPS officers----serving and retired--- had been surprised for many months over what they perceived as my reluctance to criticise vehemently and in public Barkha’s coverage of 26/11.

5. In December last, I had attended a reunion of retired IPS officers of the 1961 batch at the National Police Academy at Hyderabad. The theme of the reunion was media and the police. Thereafter, I remember to have written and said that since 26/11 I have not come across a single IPS officer who is not unhappy with her live coverage of 26/11.

5. In the wake of the E-mails, I have re-read  the SC’s observations regarding the role of the TV channels in their live coverage of 26/11 and my two articles. I still feel what I wrote in my two articles was well thought out and appropriate to the nature and contents of the Obiter.

6. I had also mentioned in my articles that if the relatives of the victims are able to establish that the examples cited by the SC have been taken from the telecasts of any particular channel or reporter, they could consider filing a damage suit against that channel. ( 30-8-12)

Wednesday, August 29, 2012

26/11 :MY TAKE ON CERTAIN ASPECTS OF SC JUDGEMENT




 

B.RAMAN

I have been in receipt of feed-back from some of my friends, Tweeter followers and readers raising certain questions in the wake of the judgement delivered by the Supreme Court on August 29,2012, dismissing the appeal of Ajmal Kasab, the Pakistani accused in the 26/11 terrorist strikes, against the death sentence passed against him. The judgement has confirmed the death sentence as justified and warranted.

2. The first set of questions relates to how soon the death sentence will be carried out. There are legal and administrative procedures to be followed before the sentence is executed. I would not like to comment on them.

3. The second set of questions relates to what is seen by many Netizens as an attempted cover-up by our private TV channels of the very critical observations made by the court as an obiter regarding the live coverage of the 26/11 strikes by our private channels.

4. As pointed out by me in an earlier article, the devastatingly critical observations made by the court relate to the Indian private channels AS A WHOLE and not to any particular channel. It is important to keep this in view so that one doesn’t go on a witch-hunt.

5. Having said that, I have to underline that in my over 20 years of experience in dealing with and analysing terrorism I have not come across any instance anywhere in the world where the judiciary has on its own come out with such a devastating criticism of the role of the TV media in live coverage of acts of terrorism.

6. I do not have as yet access to an authenticated copy of the observations of the court relating  to the role of the media. The extracts cited by me below have been taken from some web sites believed to be accurate.

7. The Supreme Court, inter alia, said:

“405. Any attempt to justify the conduct of the TV channels by citing the right to freedom of speech and expression would be totally wrong and unacceptable in such a situation. The freedom of expression, like all other freedoms under Article 19, is subject to reasonable restrictions. An action tending to violate another person’s right to life guaranteed under Article 21 or putting the national security in jeopardy can never be justified by taking the plea of freedom of speech and expression.

“406. The shots and visuals that were shown live by the TV channels could have also been shown after all the terrorists were neutralized and the security operations were over. But, in that case the TV programmes would not have had the same shrill, scintillating and chilling effect and would not have shot up the TRP ratings of the channels. It must, therefore, be held that by covering live the terrorists attack on Mumbai in the way it was done, the Indian TV channels were not serving any national interest or social cause. On the contrary they were acting in their own commercial interests putting the national security in jeopardy.

“407. It is in such extreme cases that the credibility of an institution is tested. The coverage of the Mumbai terror attack by the mainstream electronic media has done much harm to the argument that any regulatory mechanism for the media must only come from within.” ---Citation ends

8. The Supreme Court’s observations, in my view, are of such far-reaching significance in the history of terrorism in India that one would have expected that this would be one of the main themes of the various TV debates that one saw on the night of August 29. I did not see all the TV debates and, as such, am not in a position to make any authoritative comments on this. However, many of the feed-back received by me allege that there was an attempt by the TV channels to cover up or play down this significant aspect of the judgement.

9. The reputation and credibility of our TV channels has already taken a beating as a result of the critical observations of the Supreme Court.  Their credibility would be further weakened if the general impression of a cover-up by the TV channels is further strengthened.

10. The third set of questions relates to the case between NDTV and Barkha Dutt on the one side and Shri Chaitanya Kunte, a private blogger, on the other. He had to withdraw certain observations made by him in his blog post regarding the way Barkha covered the terrorist strikes in Mumbai. Both NDTV and Barkha felt that Shri Kunte’s observations tended to be criminally defamatory and tarnish her professional reputation by seeking to disseminate an insinuation that some of the deaths in the strikes could be attributed to the way Barkha covered the incident from the spot.

11. Many Netizens feel that the SC’s observations have vindicated those of Shri Kunte and hence the NDTV and Barkha now owe an apology to  him for insisting on the deletion of his blog post. I do not agree with this contention on the basis of my reading of the SC’s observations. As already pointed out by me, the observations relate to the coverage by the TV channels as a whole and not to the specific coverage of any individual channel or reporter.

12. It would be untenable to project the observations as amounting to an exoneration of the alleged criminal defamation by Shri Kunte. Some of the criticisms made by Shri Kunte in his blog post were also made by some of us, including this writer, but we voiced our criticism in a professionally objective manner without trying to use it as a stick to beat any TV channel or reporter with.

13. The last set of questions relate to the relatives of the victims of the terrorist strikes. In other democratic countries, after a historic judgement of this nature in a terrorism-related case, the immediate focus of the channels would have been on the relatives of the victims--- How do they feel? Do they think justice has been done? What is their attitude towards the terrorist who contributed to the brutal deaths of their relatives? These are some of the questions that would have been addressed abroad and should have been addressed in our TV debates.

14. Ever since my participation on behalf of the Government of India in the International Summit on Terrorism in Madrid in March,2005, I have written a number of articles and delivered speeches  drawing attention to the  lack of victim activism in India which, in my view, has contributed to the way terrorism is handled by the Government and the media.

15. I will give three instances of the difference that victim activism can make to the quality and effectiveness of counter-terrorism:

( a ). In 1988, a Pan Am aircraft from the US carrying US passengers going to Europe for spending the Christmas with their families was blown up off Lockerbie on the Irish coast. During the enquiries, it came out that one of the US agencies had been in receipt of information warning of the likelihood of a terrorist strike against US nationals travelling to Europe for Christmas. The agency alerted all airline companies, but it did not share the information with the public. The relatives of the victims took up the stand that if they had known that such an information existed, they would have advised their relatives not to travel to Europe for X’Mas. The US Government practice of issuing terrorism advisories to the public came into vogue since then.

( b ). After the 9/11 terrorist strikes in the US, the relatives of many of the victims joined together, attended the hearings of the Congressional enquiry and saw to it that the recommendations for strengthening the intelligence and counter-terrorism capabilities were implemented.

( c ). After the 26/11 terrorist strikes in Mumbai, the relatives of the US and Israeli nationals killed filed a suit for damages against Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence in a US court.

16. it is important for the relatives of the victims of the 26/11 strikes to activate themselves in order to see whether the sins of commission and omission pointed out by the SC could be linked to the coverage of any individual channel and if so, whether, it could be sued for damages. They should also agitate against politicians who stand in the way of strengthening our counter-terrorism capabilities due to their political agenda.

17.Unless and until the media is made to realise that it may have to pay heavily for any irresponsible coverage and unless and until the politicians are made to realise that their political future will depend on the interest evinced by them in strengthening our counter-terrorism capabilities, things will not improve. Activism by relatives of victims has an important role to play in this. (30-8-12)

(The  writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai, and Associate of the Chennai Centre For China Studies. E-mail: seventyone2@gmail.com  Twitter @SORBONNE75)